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Anti-imperialism in political science and international relations is a term used in a variety of contexts, usually by nationalist movements, who want to secede from a larger polity (usually in the form of an empire, but also in a multi-ethnic sovereign state) or as a specific theory opposed to capitalism in Marxist–Leninist discourse, derived from Vladimir Lenin's work ''Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism''. A less common usage is by isolationists who oppose an interventionist foreign policy. People who categorise themselves as anti-imperialists, often state that they are opposed to colonialism, colonial empire, hegemony, imperialism and territorial expansion of a country beyond its established borders.〔''Imperialism: The Story and Significance of a Political Word, 1840–1960'' (2010), by Richard Koebner and Helmut Schmidt.〕 The phrase gained a wide currency after the Second World War and at the onset of the Cold War as political movements in colonies of European powers promoted national sovereignty. Some "anti-imperialist" groups who opposed the United States, supported the power of the Soviet Union, such as in Guevarism, while in Maoism, this was criticised as "social imperialism." In the Arab and Muslim world, the term is often used in the context of Anti-Zionist nationalist and religious movements. ==Theory== In the late 1870s, the term ''Imperialism'' was introduced to the English language by opponents of the aggressively imperial policies of British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli (1874–80).〔Richard Koebner and Helmut Schmidt, ''Imperialism: The Story and Significance of a Political Word, 1840-1960'' (2010)〕 It was shortly appropriated by supporters of "imperialism" such as Joseph Chamberlain. For some, imperialism designated a policy of idealism and philanthropy; others alleged that it was characterized by political self-interest, and a growing number associated it with capitalist greed. John A. Hobson and Lenin added a more theoretical macroeconomic connotation to the term. Many theoreticians on the left have followed either or both in emphasizing the structural or systemic character of "imperialism." Such writers have expanded the time period associated with the term so that it now designates neither a policy, nor a short space of decades in the late 19th century, but a global system extending over a period of centuries, often going back to Christopher Columbus and, in some facts, to the Crusades. As the application of the term has expanded, its meaning has shifted along five distinct but often parallel axes: the moral, the economic, the systemic, the cultural, and the temporal. Those changes reflect—among other shifts in sensibility—a growing unease, even squeamishness, with the fact of power, specifically, Western power.〔Mark F. Proudman, "Words for Scholars: The Semantics of 'Imperialism'". ''Journal of the Historical Society'', September 2008, Vol. 8 Issue 3, p395-433〕〔D. K. Fieldhouse, "Imperialism": An Historiographical Revision", ''South African Journal Of Economic History'', March 1992, Vol. 7 Issue 1, pp 45-72〕 The relationships among capitalism, aristocracy, and imperialism have been discussed and analysed by theoreticians, historians, political scientists such as John A. Hobson and Thorstein Veblen, Joseph Schumpeter and Norman Angell.〔G.K. Peatling, “Globalism, Hegemonism and British Power: J. A. Hobson and Alfred Zimmern Reconsidered”, ''History'', July 2004, Vol. 89 Issue 295, pp. 381–98〕 Those intellectuals produced much of their works about imperialism before the First World War (1914–18), yet their combined work informed the study of the impact of imperialism upon Europe, and contributed to the political and ideologic reflections on the rise of the military–industrial complex in the US from the 1950s onwards. J. A. Hobson said that domestic social reforms could cure the international disease of imperialism by removing its economic foundation. Hobson theorized that state intervention through taxation could boost broader consumption, create wealth, and encourage a peaceful multilateral world order. Conversely, should the state not intervene, rentiers (people who earn income from property or securities) would generate socially negative wealth that fostered imperialism and protectionism.〔P. J. Cain, "Capitalism, Aristocracy and Empire: Some 'Classical' Theories of Imperialism Revisited", ''Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History'', March 2007, Vol. 35 Issue 1, pp 25-47〕〔G.K. Peatling, "Globalism, Hegemonism and British Power: J. A. Hobson and Alfred Zimmern Reconsidered", ''History, July 2004, Vol. 89 Issue 295, pp 381-398〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Anti-imperialism」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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