|
Leonel de Moura Brizola (January 22, 1922 – June 21, 2004) was a Brazilian politician. Launched in politics by Getúlio Vargas, Brizola was the only politician to serve as governor of two different states in Brazil. In 1958 he was elected governor of Rio Grande do Sul, and in 1982 and 1990 he was elected governor of Rio de Janeiro. He was also vice-president of the Socialist International, as well as Honorary President of that organization from October 2003 until his death in June 2004. Brizola and his party (the Democratic Labour Party) practiced a kind of social democratic left-wing politics.〔(【引用サイトリンク】title=ITAPOAN FM FAZ DOBRADINHA COM RÁDIO METRÓPOLE NO CORONELISMO RADIOFÔNICO DE SALVADOR ), (''Portuguese'')〕 == Early life and rise to prominence (1922–1964) == Brizola was the son of a small farmer who was killed when fighting as a volunteer in the 1923 local civil war for the rebel leader Assis Brasil against Rio Grande's dictator, Borges de Medeiros.〔F.C. Leite Filho, ''El caudillo Leonel Brizola: um perfil biográfico''. São Paulo: Aquariana, 2008, ISBN 978-85-7217-112-0 , pages 233/234; others, however, contend that Brizola's father was simply a common thief murdered for running away with someone else's livestock: Cf. R. S. Rose, ''The Unpast: Elite Violence And Social Control In Brazil, 1954–2000''. Ohio University Press, 2005, pages 54/55〕 Brizola was christened Itagiba, but early in life adopted the alias of Leonel, from the rebel warlord Leonel Rocha, known as "The Muleteer of Freedom". He left his mother's house at eleven, working in Porto Alegre as a paperboy, shoeshiner and other occasional jobs until completing high school and entering college. He graduated with a degree in engineering, a trade in which he never worked, as he entered professional politics in his early twenties, having been elected to the Rio Grande State Assembly in 1946.〔(PDT homepage )〕 Brizola married Neusa Goulart, João Goulart's sister, and had former President Getúlio Vargas as his best man. Through this marriage, Brizola became not only a wealthy landowner, but also a regional leader of the Brazilian Labor Party (''Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro'' or PTB). After Vargas's death, he inherited the undisputed regional leadership of his party, while his brother-in-law ruled the PTB national caucus.〔Cf. Carlos E. Cortés, ''Gaúcho politics in Brazil: the politics of Rio Grande do Sul, 1930–1964''. Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press, 1974, page 162〕 Both perpetuated Vargas' populist tradition, especially, in Brizola's case, the practice of a direct personal link between charismatic leader and the broad masses. During the presidency of Goulart (1961–1964) Brizola was an important supporter of his brother-in-law, first as governor and later as a deputy in the National Congress of Brazil. As governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Brizola raised himself to preeminence for his social policies, expressed in the speedy building of public schools in poor neighborhoods across the state (''brizoletas'').〔Cf. Arthur José Poerner, ''Brizola quem é?'' Rio de Janeiro, 1989: Editora Terceiro Mundo, page16〕 He also supported policies directed towards the improvement of the condition of small autonomous farmers and landless rural workers, sponsoring the creation of the corporation MASTER (Rio Grande Landless Rural Workers Movement).〔Biorn Maybury-Lewis, ''The Politics of the Possible: The Brazilian Rural Workers' Trade Union Movement, 1964–1985''. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994, ISBN 1-56639-167-9 , page 126〕 Brizola gained nationwide visibility mostly by acting in defense of democracy and Goulart's rights as president. When Jânio Quadros resigned from the presidency in August 1961, the Brazilian military ministers in the Cabinet attempted to prevent Vice-President Goulart from becoming president on the grounds of his alleged ties with the Communist movement.〔Cf. John W. F. Dulles, ''Castello Branco: the making of a Brazilian president''. College Station, Texas A&M University Press, 1978, page 250. What created the crisis around Goulart was the fact that the Brazilian 1946 Constitution allowed for the (direct) election of a President and Vice-President from different tickets; therefore the leftist Goulart was Vice-President to the maverick rightist Quadros.〕 After winning support from the local army commander, General Machado Lopes, Brizola forged the so-called "''cadeia da legalidade''" (legality broadcast) from a pool of radio stations in Rio Grande do Sul, which issued a nationwide call from Palácio Piratini denouncing the intentions behind the Cabinet ministers' actions and encouraging common citizens to go into the streets to protest. Brizola surrendered the State Police Force to the regional army command and began organizing paramilitary Committees of Democratic Resistance, and considered handing out firearms to civilians.〔Cf. Angelina Cheibub Figueiredo, ''Democracia ou Reformas?''. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1993, page 43〕 After twelve days of impending civil war, the attempted coup failed, and Goulart was inaugurated as president.〔cf. Betariz T. Daudt Fischer, "Arquivos Pessoais: Incógnitas e Possibilidades na Construção de uma Biografia", IN Elizeu Clementino de Souza, ed. ''Tempos, Narrativas E Ficções: a Invenção de Si''. Porto Alegre, EDIPUCRS, 2006, ISBN 85-7430-591-X, page 277, footnote. Available at ()〕 What offered him international highlights, however, were his nationalist policies: having a blueprint as governor for speedy industrialization of the state, Brizola developed a program for the constitution of a wide basis of state-owned industrial utilities,〔Samir Perrone de Miranda, "Projeto de Desenvolvimento e Encampações no discurso do governo Leonel Brizola: Rio Grande do Sul, 1959-1963". UFRGS, Master dissertation in Political Science, 2006, available at (). Retrieved June 26, 2014〕 that led him eventually to the nationalization of American public utilities trusts' assets in Rio Grande, such as ITT and Electric Bond & Share (local branch of American & Foreign Power Company, itself owned by the holding Electric Bond and Share Company ).〔Ruth Leacock, ''Requiem for revolution: the United States and Brazil, 1961–1969''. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1990, page 85. ISBN 978-0-87338-402-5 . Available at (). Page 89〕 These nationalizations made their way towards American press headlines when the John F. Kennedy administration was trying to counter what it saw as "Communist infiltration" in Brazil〔Noel Maurer, ''The Empire Trap: The Rise and Fall of U.S. Intervention to Protect American Property Overseas, 1893-2013''. Princeton University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-0-691-15582-1 ,page 329〕 by striking a deal with Goulart – which included hefty US financial aid to the Brazilian federal government.〔Jeffrey Taffet, ''Foreign Aid as Foreign Policy: The Alliance for Progress in Latin America''. New York, Routledge, 2007, ISBN 0-415-97770-3, Chapter 5〕 In such a context, Brizola's actions made for a major diplomatic embarrassment, which promptly turned Brizola's State government into one of the intended targets of the Hickenlooper Amendment.〔Leacock, 85 ; CIA released document,13th. July 1962, available at ()〕〔Arthur Schlesinger, ''Robert Kennedy and His Times, Volume 1''. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 1978 , page 579〕〔Noel Maurer, ''The Empire Trap'',329/330〕 As Goulart eventually caved in to American pressure on the issue, accepting to pay what was seem by many on the Left as excessive compensations to both ITT & Amforp in exchange for finantial aid, Brizola could – and did – present his in-law as a defector from the nationalist cause. Through his initiatives, in both domestic and foreign politics, Brizola had become a major player on the national Brazilian plane, eventually developing presidential aspirations of his own, which he could not legally fulfill at the time, as Brazilian law didn't allow close relatives of the acting President to present themselves as candidates for the following term of office. Between 1961 and 1964, Brizola acted as the radical wing of the independent left, where he pressured the office for an agenda of radical social and political reforms in general, as well as for a specific change in the electoral legislation that allowed for his presidential candidacy in 1965. Seen as personally authoritarian and quarrelsome, and not above dealing with his enemies by means of physical aggression, as in a famous case when he hit the rightwing journalist David Nasser in the middle of the Rio de Janeiro airport,〔Be it said, however, that Nasser was known at the time by his lack of scruples ("A reactionary to the marrow, who used his privileged condition ... to work for the worst causes" – João Aveline, ''Macaco preso para interrogatório: retrato de uma época'', Porto Alegre, AGE, 1999, page 131, available at ()) and had been heaping vitriol on Brizola, by calling him, among other things, a "halfwit" (''boçal'') who " had learnt to read in the Southern wind at the university of horse thieves": Cf. Luís Maklouf,''Cobras criadas: David Nasser e O Cruzeiro '', São Paulo: Editora SENAC, ISBN 85-7359-212-5, page 424〕 Brizola acted in the political game around the Goulart government as a freebooter, being feared and hated by both the political moderate Left and the Right. This role was especially visible when Brizola moved his constituency from Rio Grande do Sul to a national political center, winning a landslide victory (269,384 ballots or a quarter of the State's electorate)〔Mauro Osório, ''Rio nacional Rio local: mitos e visões da crise carioca e fluminense''. Rio de Janeiro: SENAC, 2005, page 97〕 in the 1962 election to Congress as a representative for the State of Guanabara- i.e., the Rio de Janeiro municipality, reorganized as a city-state after the national capital had been moved to Brasilia. A layer of lore quickly developed around Brizola's efforts to supposedly "steal" his brother-in-law's Goulart "political thunder".〔R.S. Rose, ''The Unpast'', 55〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Leonel Brizola」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
|