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Mellismo
Mellismo was a political practice of Spanish ultra-Right of the early 20th century. Born within Carlism, it was designed and championed by Juan Vázquez de Mella, who became its independent political leader after the 1919 breakup. The strategy consisted of an attempt to build a grand ultra-Right party, which in turn would ensure transition from liberal democracy of Restauración to corporative Traditionalist monarchy. Following secession from Carlism Mellismo assumed formal shape of Partido Católico-Tradicionalista, but it failed as an amalgamating force and decomposed shortly afterwards. Theoretical vision of de Mella is usually considered part of the Carlist concept and does not count as Mellismo; the strategy to achieve it does. In historiography its followers are usually referred to as Mellistas, though initially the term Mellados seemed to prevail. Occasionally they are also named Tradicionalistas, but the term is extremely ambiguous and might denote also other concepts.
==Mellismo nascent (1900-1912)==
Generally historiographical works do not refer to Mellismo or to Mellistas prior to 1910;〔there are exceptions, though. Some authors mention "carlismo mellista" when discusing the first decade of the 20th century, compare Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas, ''Orígenes, desarrollo y mutaciones del nacionalismo gallego (1840-1982)'', () Francisco Campuzano Carvajal, ''Les nationalismes en Espagne'', Montpellier 2002, ISBN 9782842695279, p. 334, available (here )〕 press of the era started to use this term as late as 1919.〔the first and rather isolated occurrence identified is ''España'' 04.05.16, available (here ). Starting June 1919 the terms enters wide usage, compare ''La Correspondencia de España'' 21.05.19, ''ABC'' 21.05.19, ''La Acción'' 26.05.19, ''La Epoca'' 02.06.19, ''El Imparcial'' 02.06.19, ''La Vanguardia'' 06.06.19, ''El Sol'' 08.06.19 and so on〕 When discussing internal groupings within Carlism in the early years of the 20th century, scholars refer to the faction more inclined towards alliances with other parties as "posibilistas",〔before it was named "sector possibilista", "sector promellista", or "posibilistas promellistas", Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín ''El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política'', Madrid 2000, ISBN 9788487863820, pp. 50, 51, 57〕 while those tending to side with a deposed leader marqués de Cerralbo are dubbed "cerralbistas"; this is also how de Mella preferred to refer to himself.〔Agustín Fernández Escudero, ''El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica'' (thesis ), Madrid 2012, p. 453; the two remained on excellent terms; de Mella effusively hailed de Cerralbo as great leader, while de Cerralbo was promoting de Mella in the party, Jordi Canal, ''El carlismo'', Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 236〕 However, he started to gain supporters and admirers of his own already in the 1890s, initially lured by his charismatic oratory skills rather than by his theoretical vision or specific political strategy. In fact, his stand might have seemed puzzling: he declared himself enemy of the Restoration system〔when listening to one of his first Cortes interventions the Conservative leader Antonio Cánovas asked: "quién es ese monstruo?" Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31. In the mid-1890s, during the height of Alfonsine liberal democracy, de Mella gained reputation of its most outspoken opponent. Though the conservatives intended to tame him by offering ministerial jobs, de Mella remained convinced that the system should be dismantled rather than stabilised and rejected Conservative proposals, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31〕 but advocated political alliances with established parties,〔some scholars summarise it as "utilización de los métodos y reglas del sistema democtático para dinamitarlo desde dentro", Javier Real Cuesta, ''El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900'', Madrid 1985, ISBN 9788432305108, p. 308〕 enthusiastically took part in electoral game〔first time running and losing in 1891, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 240〕 but was engaged in conspiracy to stage military coup in 1898-1900,〔as the crisis unfolded into war against the United States, de Mella maintained his involvement in what developed into a largely Carlist conspiracy, exploring the option of staging a coup jointly with rebellious generals and other Right-wing politicians, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 32-7, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 337-9; in September 1898 on order of Carlos VII and like all Carlist deputies he withdrew from Cortes; as the same happened in 1871 shortly before outbreak of the Third Carlist War, the public widely anticipated another Carlist uprising, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 350, 385, Canal 2000, p. 254〕 supported minimalist electoral coalitions〔especially Catholic alliances advanced by the Church. The first phase (until 1903) consisted of assembling Congresos Catolicos (pp. 241-245), the second phase (1903-1905) consisted of launching Ligas Católicas (pp. 245-248), Rosa Ana Gutiérrez Lloret, ''¡A las urnas. En defensa de la Fe! La movilización política Católica en la España de comienzos del siglo XX'', () ''Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea'' 7 (2008), pp. 240-241〕 but preached maximalist objectives,〔Andrés Martín 2000, p. 40, some call it "distinctive dialectics", Martin Blinkhorn, ''Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939'', Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521207294, p. 43〕 claimed doctrinal Traditionalist orthodoxy〔de Mella was among Carlist pundits summoned to the claimant's residence in Venice to produce a new programmatic document, released in 1897 and known as ''Acta de Loredan'', Canal 2000, p. 248, José Luis Orella Martínez, ''El origen del primer catolicismo social español'', (thesis ) Madrid 2012, p. 26〕 but remained in uneasy relationship with the king〔especially following La Octubrada, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 37-8; Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 398〕 and revealed cautious penchant towards non-dynastical solutions.〔in wake of the Cuban de Mella engaged in a plot, sponsored by archbishop of Valladolid Antonio Cascajares and aiming to install a military-supported government of national unity, possibly on assumption of some dynastic reconciliation, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 31, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 312-3〕
After "La Octubrada", a series of minor Carlist 1900 revolts, de Mella sought refuge in Portugal and remained there for a few years,〔exact duration of his Portuguese exile is unclear; some authors claim he remained beyond Spain until 1905, compare Luis Aguirre Prado, ''Vázquez de Mella'', Publicaciones Españolas, Madrid, 1959, p. 26, others suggest he might have returned earlier, quoting repeated press reports on his presence in various Spanish locations, see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 377-8. Having spent 3 terms in the Cortes (1893-1896, 1896-1898, 1898) and in line with official Carlist policy of abstaining in 1899 elections, de Mella was not reported in the press as running in the 1901 elections〕 estranged also by the claimant who officially dubbed those involved traitors.〔Andrés Martín 2000, p. 37-8; Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 398, Canal 2000, p. 255, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 144〕 Having obtained royal pardon in 1903〔Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 416〕 he resumed parliamentarian career in 1905.〔de Mella intended to re-launch his Cortes career in 1903 but lost, ''La Correspondencia de España'' 28.04.03, available (here )〕 As Carlist leaders were usually in their 60s or older,〔with most notable exceptions of Llorens and Tamarit, both in their 50s〕 de Mella emerged as the most dynamic representative of mid-age generation and most charismatic Carlist politician at all,〔some authors claim he might have been one of the most popular Spanish politicians at all, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 137〕 as a theorist presiding over general overhaul of Carlism.〔Blinkhorn 2008, p. 31〕 His position consolidated mostly thanks to harangues delivered both in the Cortes and at public gatherings;〔Canal 2000, p. 260〕 he did not hold official party positions except in its press tribune, ''El Correo Español''. His personal prestige soon became sort of a problem for both the claimant〔some author claim the opposite, namely that Carlos VII displayed "qualities of patience and common sense" by making "the best of a difficult situation by presiding not only over Mella's intellectual overhaul but also the creation for the first time of a recognisable party organisation, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 31〕 and the then political leader, Matías Barrio y Mier, appointed to keep the Cerralbistas in check.〔Eduardo González Calleja, ''La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración (1875-1917)'', Madrid 1998, ISBN 8400077784, 9788400077785, p. 206〕 On orders of Carlos VII Barrio pursued cautious policy of electoral alliances, confronting possibilist vision of malmenorismo-guided coalitions〔Already in the early campaigns of the 20th century de Mella supported the idea of Catholic alliances, e.g. against Ley de Jurisdicciones and Ley de Asociaciones, see Gutiérrez Lloret 2008, p. 257; malmenorismo strategy generated enormous controversies within realm of Spanish Catholic politicians and was officially endorsed by Vatican in ''Inter Catholicos Hispaniae''; the Pope Pius X felt obliged to step in and support the lesser evil strategy. The document came as heavy blow especially to the Integrists and to Ramón Nocedal personally〕 and trying to curb de Mella's influence in ''Correo''. As one of his last political decisions in 1909 the claimant appointed a relatively unknown academic, Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez, as successor of the ailing Barrio; the decision came as a blow to supporters of de Mella, considering him obvious candidate for leadership.〔triggering a number of protests, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 421, Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, ''El caso Feliú y el dominio de Mella en el partido carlista en el período 1909–1912'', () ''Historia contemporánea'' 10 (1997), pp. 99-116, p. 100〕
Following death of Carlos VII his son as the new Carlist king Jaime III found himself pressed by the Cerralbistas to dismiss Feliú;〔Don Jaime has already been suspected of Liberal penchant, see Andrés Martín 2000, p. 48; de Mella described him as educated in "una Academia (Austrian Military Academy ) de ateos y escépticos y corrompidos" and somewhat light on his Catholic practices〕 he opted for a compromise, confirming the nomination but appointing Mella as his own personal secretary.〔Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 425, Canal 2000, p. 264〕 After few months the two spent together in 1910 de Mella ceased, disillusioned - rather mutually - with his new monarch.〔according to de Mella, "mientras no desaparezcan de la escena política Feliú, Olazábal (), Forner y Polo nada podía hacerse de provecho"; also the question of no successor to Don jaime was causing growing concern. It is not clear what exactly produced an apparently irreparable rift between de Mella and Don Jaime during the secretaryship episode of 1909-1910. No political projects that might have produced differences are known to have been discussed and no single event which might have triggered hostility is quoted, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 50-52, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 42〕 During the Cortes campaign of 1910 Mellismo first emerged as a strategy: while Feliú authorized local accords strictly conditioned by dynastic claims, de Mella mounted an anti-revolutionary, ultra-conservative, Catholic coalition with Antonio Maura and his faction of the Conservatives.〔Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 58-9; the strategy produced first expulsions in 1910. The Vascongadas regional jefe, Tirso de Olázabal (9 years later himself leaving his king and joining de Mella), expulsed Pradera for mounting an electoral alliance with a Maurista candidate on his own; Don Jaime approved of the decision, which helped to "mantener enérgicamente disciplina", Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, ''Precedentes del proyecto ultraderechista mellista en el periodo 1900-1912'', () ''Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia'' 202/1 (2005), pp. 124-125; Pradera was re-admitted 3 years later〕 During the next 2 years the group already dubbed Mellistas〔Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 439〕 sabotaged Jefe Delegado,〔de Mella referred to Feliú as "imbécil", Andrés Martín 2005, p. 121; The two clashed continuously competing to control ''El Correo Español'', when de Mella and Sánchez Márquez, acting on behalf of Feliú, claimed its ownership; the dispute spilled over and reached official administration, Andrés Martín 1997, p. 100, Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 62-6, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 441-443〕 their campaign directed against Feliú as incompetent leader and steering clear of the alliance question.〔detailed discussion in Andrés Martín 1997〕 In 1912 de Mella accused Feliú of illegitimately holding the jefatura〔Andrés Martín 2000, p. 67, Andrés Martín 1997, p. 104, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 439〕 and demanded his deposition, threatening the claimant with rejecting his rule as deprived of "legitimacy of execution".〔Andrés Martín 2000, p. 68. According to the Carlist theoretical toolset, the king must be legitimate in terms of origin, i.e. he must be heir to legitimate king, and must hold also "legitimidad de ejercicio", i.e. he must rule in accordance with Traditionalist principles, compare Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 440-442. Ignoring the opinion of traditional Carlist bodies - in that case Junta Superior, dominated by Cerralbistas and Mellistas - would have been the proof of cesarism, incompatible with legitimidad de ejercicio, Andrés Martín 1997, pp. 104-105. Initially Mella did not consider such an escalation, but he was provoked by his enemy conde de Melgar, who hoped that with Mella exposed as a rebel, Don Jaime would not hesitate to expulse him. The plot backfired, Andrés Martín 1997, pp. 108-9. Another thread was alleged Don Jaime's wavering on orthodox Catholicism and his pro-Liberal sympathies, combined with emerging rumors of civil suit before Paris court from a woman claiming to have born Don Jaime's son, Andrés Martín 1997, pp. 110-113〕 Don Jaime gave in and by the end of 1912 he re-appointed de Cerralbo as president of Junta Superior.〔Andrés Martín 2000, p. 72; shortly afterwards he dismissed Feliú, Andrés Martín 1997, p. 114; Don Jaime could have also envisaged the decision (or illuded himself so) as means of re-integration of the party〕
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