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The Red Army Faction (RAF; German: ''Rote Armee Fraktion''), in its early stages commonly known as the Baader-Meinhof Group (or Baader-Meinhof Gang; (ドイツ語:Baader-Meinhof-Bande, Baader-Meinhof-Gruppe)), was a West German far-left militant group. The RAF was founded in 1970 by Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, Horst Mahler, and Ulrike Meinhof. The West German government considered the Red Army Faction to be a terrorist organization.〔"June 24, 1976 The West German parliament passes legislation integrating §129a. which illegalizes 'supporting or participating in a terrorist organization,' into the Basic Law." ; "''Dümlein Christine'', ... Joined the RAF in 1980, ... the only crime she was guilty of was membership in a terrorist organization" .〕 The Red Army Faction engaged in a series of bombings, assassinations, kidnappings, bank robberies, and shoot-outs with police over the course of three decades. Their activity peaked in late 1977, which led to a national crisis that became known as the "German Autumn." It was held responsible for thirty-four deaths, including many secondary targets, such as chauffeurs and bodyguards, and many injuries in its almost thirty years of activity. Although better-known, the RAF conducted fewer attacks than the Revolutionary Cells (German: Revolutionäre Zellen, RZ), which is held responsible for 296 bomb attacks, arson and other attacks between 1973 and 1995.〔(IM.NRW.de ), Innenministerium Nordrhein-Westfalen: Revolutionäre Zellen und Rote Zora.〕 Although Meinhof was not considered to be a leader of the RAF at any time, her involvement in Baader's escape from jail in 1970 and her well-known status as a German journalist led to her name becoming attached to it.〔("Baader-Meinhof Gang" ) at Baader-Meinhof.com.〕 There were three successive incarnations of the organization: * the "first generation" which consisted of Baader and his associates, * the "second generation" RAF, which operated in the mid- to late 1970s after several former members of the Socialist Patients' Collective joined, and * the "third generation" RAF, which existed in the 1980s and 1990s. On 20 April 1998, an eight-page typewritten letter in German was faxed to the Reuters news agency, signed "RAF" with the submachine-gun red star, declaring that the group had dissolved.〔(【引用サイトリンク】title=RAF-Auflösungserklärung )〕 ==Background== The origins of the group can be traced back to the student protest movement in West Germany. Industrialised nations in the late 1960s experienced social upheavals related to the maturing of the "baby boomers," the Cold War, and the end of colonialism. Newly found youth identity and issues such as racism, women's liberation and anti-imperialism were at the forefront of left-wing politics. Many young people were alienated from both their parents and the institutions of state. The historical legacy of Nazism drove a wedge between the generations and increased suspicion of authoritarian structures in society (some analysts see the same occurring in post-fascism Italy, giving rise to "''Brigate Rosse''").〔Townshend, Charles. ''Terrorism, A Very Short Introduction''. Oxford University Press ISBN 978-0-19-280168-5.〕 In West Germany there was anger among leftist youth at the post-war denazification in West and East Germany, which was perceived as a failure or as ineffective,〔Mary Lean, ("One Family's Berlin" ), ''Initiatives of Change'', 1 August 1988; ''(The Sovietization of East German, Czech, and Polish Higher Education, 1945–1956 )''. (Denazification varied greatly across occupied/post-occupied Europe.)〕 as former (actual and supposed) Nazis held positions in government and economy.〔 The Communist Party of Germany had been outlawed since 1956. Elected and unelected government positions down to the local level were often occupied by ex-Nazis.〔Center for Corporate History, ("Allianz in the Years 1933–1945 – Limits of denazification" ); Lord Paddy Ashdown, ("Winning the Peace" ), BBC World Service Website.〕 Konrad Adenauer, the first Federal Republic chancellor (in office 1949–1963), had even appointed the former Nazi-sympathiser Hans Globke as Director of the Federal Chancellery of West Germany (in office 1953–1963). The radicals regarded the conservative media as biased - at the time conservatives such as Axel Springer, who was implacably opposed to student radicalism, owned and controlled the conservative media including all of the most influential mass-circulation tabloid newspapers. 1966 saw the emergence of the Grand Coalition between the two main parties, the SPD and CDU, with former Nazi Party member Kurt Georg Kiesinger as chancellor. This horrified many on the left and was viewed as monolithic, political marriage of convenience with pro-NATO, pro-capitalist collusion on the part of the social democratic SPD. With ninety-five percent of the Bundestag controlled by the coalition, an Extra-Parliamentary Opposition (APO) was formed with the intent of generating protest and political activity outside of government.〔Harold Marcuse, ("The Revival of Holocaust Awareness in West Germany, Israel and the United States" ).〕 In 1972 a law was passed, the Radikalenerlass, which banned radicals or those with a 'questionable' political persuasion from public sector jobs.〔Arthur B. Gunlicks, ("Civil Liberties in the German Public Service" ), ''The Review of Politics'', Vol. 53 No. 2, Spring 1991. (extract)〕 Some radicals used the supposed association of large parts of society with Nazism as an argument against any peaceful approaches: The radicalized were, like many in the New Left, influenced by: * Sociological developments, pressure within the educational system in and outside Europe and the U.S., together with the background of counter-cultural movements. * The writings of Mao Zedong adapted to Western European conditions. * Post-war writings on class society and empire as well as contemporary Marxist critiques from many revolutionaries such as Frantz Fanon, Ho Chi Minh, and Che Guevara, as well as early Autonomism. * Philosophers associated with the Frankfurt school (Jürgen Habermas, Herbert Marcuse, and Oskar Negt in particular〔''Walter Benjamin and the Red Army Faction'' – Irving Wohlfarth in Radical Philosophy 152〕) and associated Marxian philosophers.〔Peter-Erwin Jansen, ("Student Movements in Germany, 1968–1984" ), ''Negations'' ((E-journal )), No. 3, Fall 1998.〕 RAF founder Ulrike Meinhof had a long history in the Communist Party. Holger Meins had studied film and was a veteran of the Berlin revolt; his short feature ''How To Produce A Molotov Cocktail'' was seen by huge audiences. Jan Carl Raspe lived at the Kommune 2; Horst Mahler was an established lawyer, but was also at the center of the anti-Springer revolt from the beginning. From their own personal experiences and assessments of the socio-economic situation they soon became more specifically influenced by Leninism and Maoism, calling themselves 'Marxist-Leninist' though they effectively added to or updated this ideological tradition. A contemporaneous critique of the Red Army Faction's view of the state, published in a pirate edition of ''Le Monde Diplomatique'', ascribed to it 'state-fetishism' – an ideologically obsessive misreading of bourgeois dynamics and the nature and role of the state in post-WWII societies, including West Germany.〔(【引用サイトリンク】title="State-Fetishism": some remarks concerning the Red Army Faction - by A. Grossman )〕 It is claimed that property destruction during the Watts Riots in the United States in 1965 influenced the practical and ideological approach of the RAF founders as well as some of those in Situationist circles.〔Scribner, Charity. "Buildings on Fire: The Situationist International and the Red Army Faction". ''Grey Room'', Winter 2007, pp. 30–55.〕 The writings of Antonio Gramsci〔(Interview with Action Direct member Joelle Aubron ) regarding early influences on European guerrilla groups – retrieved 31 August 2007.〕 and Herbert Marcuse〔Red Army Faction, ("The Urban Guerilla Concept" ) (many of the documents of this period are ascribed to Ulrike Meinhof) (see also attached notes) retrieved 31 August 2007.; Peter-Erwin Jansen, ("Student Movements in Germany, 1968–1984" ), ''Negations'' ((E-journal )), No. 3, Fall 1998.〕 were drawn upon. Gramsci wrote on power, cultural and ideological conflicts in society and institutions—real-time class struggles playing out in rapidly developing industrial nation states through interlinked areas of political behaviour, Marcuse on coercion and hegemony in that cultural indoctrination and ideological manipulation through the means of communication ("repressive tolerance") dispensed with the need for complete brute force in modern 'liberal democracies'. His ''One-Dimensional Man'' was addressed to the restive students of the sixties. Marcuse argued that only marginal groups of students and poor alienated workers could effectively resist the system. Both Gramsci and Marcuse came to the conclusion that the ideological underpinnings and the 'superstructure' of society was vitally important in the understanding of class control (and acquiescence). This could perhaps be seen as an extension of Marx's work as he did not cover this area in detail. ''Das Kapital'', his mainly economic work, was meant to be one of a series of books which would have included one on society and one on the state,〔Michael A. Lebowitz, ''Beyond Capital—Marx's Political Economy of the Working Class'', Palgrave 2003, p. 27. ISBN 978-0-333-96430-9.〕 but his death prevented fulfilment of this. Many of the radicals felt that Germany's lawmakers were continuing authoritarian policies and the public's apparent acquiescence was seen as a continuation of the indoctrination the Nazis had pioneered in society (Volksgemeinschaft). The Federal Republic was exporting arms to African dictatorships, which was seen as supporting the war in Southeast Asia and engineering the remilitarization of Germany with the U.S.-led entrenchment against the Warsaw Pact nations. Ongoing events further catalyzed the situation. Protests turned into riots on 2 June 1967, when Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, visited West Berlin. There were protesters but also hundreds of supporters of the Shah, as well as a group of fake supporters armed with wooden staves, there to disturb the normal course of the visit. These extremists beat the protesters. After a day of angry protests by exiled Iranian radical Marxists, a group widely supported by German students, the Shah visited the Berlin Opera, where a crowd of German student protesters gathered. During the opera house demonstrations, German student Benno Ohnesorg was shot in the head by a police officer while attending his first protest rally. The officer, Karl-Heinz Kurras, was acquitted in a subsequent trial. It has now been discovered that this officer had been a member of the West Berlin communist party ''SEW'' and had also worked for the Stasi,〔(【引用サイトリンク】title=Christopher Hitchens on The Baader Meinhof Complex )〕 though there is no indication that Kurras' killing of Ohnesorg was under anyone's, including the Stasi's, orders. Along with perceptions of state and police brutality, and widespread opposition to the Vietnam War, Ohnesorg's death galvanised many young Germans, and became a rallying point for the West German New Left. The Berlin 2 June Movement, a militant-Anarchist group, later took its name to honour the date of Ohnesorg's death. On 2 April 1968 Gudrun Ensslin and Andreas Baader, joined by Thorwald Proll and Horst Söhnlein, set fire to two department stores in Frankfurt as a protest against the Vietnam war. They were arrested two days later. On 11 April 1968 Rudi Dutschke, a leading spokesman for protesting students, was shot in the head in an assassination attempt by the right-wing extremist Josef Bachmann. Although badly injured, Dutschke returned to political activism with the German Green Party before his death in a bathtub in 1979, as a consequence of his injuries. Axel Springer's populist newspaper ''Bild-Zeitung'', which had run headlines such as "Stop Dutschke now!" was accused of being the chief culprit for inciting the shooting. Meinhof commented: "If one sets a car on fire, that is a criminal offence. If one sets hundreds of cars on fire, that is political action."〔Cited by Joshua Keating, "Has Germany's car arson wave come to America?" Foreign Policy Blog http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/01/03/has_germanys_car_arson_wave_come_to_america〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Red Army Faction」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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